Waging Ghostly War on a National Level: The Question of Experience, Part IV
A number of professionals criticized the relevance of Dr. Elizabeth Loftus’ Lost in a Shopping Mall Study to the false memory debate, often citing research that indicated a difference between traumatic and ordinary memory. They also raised questions about the ethics of the study, asking whether or not introducing a “mild trauma” is still trauma. Then again, if it isn’t trauma that’s being induced by false memory, then what’s the relevance to people who report having solid memories of trauma, and continue to do so. In a 2000 paper titled “‘Lost in a Shopping Mall’–A Breach of Professional Ethics,” Lynn Crook and Martha Dean point out that in the initial study of twenty-four subjects, only seven indicated a “full-or partial” recollection of the memory, one of whom changed her mind later–not an especially high batting average; especially when you talk about such things as “partial recollection” (on a range of one to eleven), or take into account the accuracy of the corroborating family member’s memory.*
Drs. Nicholas Spanos, Kenneth Pope and Laura Brown posed the additional question of whether The Lost in a Shopping Mall inaccurately characterized social compliance as false memory. In her account of the genesis of the project, Dr. Loftus gave an ironic example of this. While conversing with a colleague at a party about the possibility of memory implantation, he called over his eight-year old daughter to see if they could convince her that she had been lost in a shopping mall when no such incident occurred. After hearing a “third set of corroborating details,” she affirmed her father’s story. This led Loftus to conclude:
In other words, we have far more compelling explanation of Jenny’s response than instantaneous false memory implantation. Even if we come to accept that Jenny came to believe her father’s tale, we would have had little proof that she actually remembered it. On the other hand, we have an abundance of evidence to suggest that she was reacting to social demands, chief of which her parent’s expectations.
In his 1997 paper “Lost in a Shopping Mall: An Experience with Controversial Research,” Dr. Loftus’ former student and research assistant Jim Coan described the aftermath of his association to the Lost in a Shopping Mall study. He went into some detail about the negative reactions of peers and colleagues. The criticism against Coan stemmed from the fact that he used his brother Chris as an experimental subject in the Lost in a Shopping Mall study, before such a study was given the greenlight by the University of Washington’s Human Subjects Committee.:
If we take Coan at his word–and we have no reason not to–then we realize that he saw himself as a victim of intellectual prejudice, and professional scorn. And so, it makes sense that one defense that he offered in this paper consisted of his brother Chris’ affirmation that the false memory not only seemed real to him at the time, but also years later:
If you have siblings, you can probably empathize with the need to come to their defense. I obviously cannot say that Chris Coan’s assertion that the memory seems real is inaccurate, nor would I try. None of us can know what goes on in the head of another person. At the same time, I cannot see this as proof of false memory implantation, knowing that compliance to social demands (i.e., the protection of a brother) could also explain this response. In other words, we cannot use anecdotal evidence of this type to claim that one definitely had a memory implanted, no matter how vehemently the subject asserts.
____________
*Crook, Lynn S. and Martha C. Dean. 1999. “‘Lost in a Shopping Mall’–A Breach of Ethics.” Ethics and Behavior, v. 9 (1): 39-50.
**Coan, James A. 1997. “Lost in a Shopping Mall: An Experience with Controversial Research.” Ethics and Behavior, 7 (3): 271-284.
To read later posts in this series, click here.
Drs. Nicholas Spanos, Kenneth Pope and Laura Brown posed the additional question of whether The Lost in a Shopping Mall inaccurately characterized social compliance as false memory. In her account of the genesis of the project, Dr. Loftus gave an ironic example of this. While conversing with a colleague at a party about the possibility of memory implantation, he called over his eight-year old daughter to see if they could convince her that she had been lost in a shopping mall when no such incident occurred. After hearing a “third set of corroborating details,” she affirmed her father’s story. This led Loftus to conclude:
I couldn’t believe what I had just witnessed. In five minutes, with a few suggestions and minor prods from her father, Jenny had accepted a false memory and embellished it with details of her own. She remembered being lost, she remembered looking all over for her father, and she remembered being scared. In less time than it took to cook a hard-boiled egg, we had created a false memory.In this example, one has to note the context of this conversation between Loftus, the colleague, and his daughter. It’s a party. It’s a social event. Jenny might not understand the reason for her father’s insistence in perpetuating a story they both know to be false. But like most children, she would have understood that affirming his version of events would please him–just like McMartin witnesses Bradly Brunon and Kyle Zirpolo knew that their knowingly false statements would please their parents, the prosecutors and other professionals. After three attempts to convince the child to accept her father’s story, she might even have finally caught on that by maintaining her original claim, she might make her dad look foolish or dishonest in front of a co-worker.
In other words, we have far more compelling explanation of Jenny’s response than instantaneous false memory implantation. Even if we come to accept that Jenny came to believe her father’s tale, we would have had little proof that she actually remembered it. On the other hand, we have an abundance of evidence to suggest that she was reacting to social demands, chief of which her parent’s expectations.
In his 1997 paper “Lost in a Shopping Mall: An Experience with Controversial Research,” Dr. Loftus’ former student and research assistant Jim Coan described the aftermath of his association to the Lost in a Shopping Mall study. He went into some detail about the negative reactions of peers and colleagues. The criticism against Coan stemmed from the fact that he used his brother Chris as an experimental subject in the Lost in a Shopping Mall study, before such a study was given the greenlight by the University of Washington’s Human Subjects Committee.:
Though I did not know that several of my supervisors [at the Kings County Crisis Clinic in Seattle] were full or part time therapists either in private practice or at local agencies, it never occurred to me that any of them might feel any hostility toward what I had done with my brother, or what I was currently doing for my honors work. With this perspective, I went ahead and told people I had gotten to know on my regular shift about the New York Times article, and in doing so enraged my supervisor. Almost immediately, my supervisor began to grill me with questions about how I could possibly assert that a memory for being lost in a shopping mall could be anything like a memory for being sexually abused and beaten all one’s life. I agreed they would be very different! He went on to ask me what I thought of the fact that what I was doing would eventually hurt and damage so many people. Not knowing how to respond, I tried to assure him that I didn’t want to hurt anybody, and that I wasn’t saying anything except memories could be implanted.Later in the paper, Coan stated that a negative reputation followed him to graduate school at the University of Arizona, saying, “I was not treated with gushing affection.”
If we take Coan at his word–and we have no reason not to–then we realize that he saw himself as a victim of intellectual prejudice, and professional scorn. And so, it makes sense that one defense that he offered in this paper consisted of his brother Chris’ affirmation that the false memory not only seemed real to him at the time, but also years later:
While writing this article, I asked my brother once again whether the memory still seemed real, and whether he felt badly about being the first participant [discounting the aforementioned Jenny]. Chris reports that the memory does indeed still seem real, and that he has never felt badly about participating in the study.Chris, undoubtedly older by this time, could very well have understood the criticisms against his brother regarding this research. Confirming both (1) the conclusions and (2) the ethics of the study could very well have given assurance to his elder sibling, whether his statements were accurate or not. Moreover, by giving information repeated in this paper, Chris offered a defense of the activities leading to James Coan’s pariah status.
If you have siblings, you can probably empathize with the need to come to their defense. I obviously cannot say that Chris Coan’s assertion that the memory seems real is inaccurate, nor would I try. None of us can know what goes on in the head of another person. At the same time, I cannot see this as proof of false memory implantation, knowing that compliance to social demands (i.e., the protection of a brother) could also explain this response. In other words, we cannot use anecdotal evidence of this type to claim that one definitely had a memory implanted, no matter how vehemently the subject asserts.
____________
*Crook, Lynn S. and Martha C. Dean. 1999. “‘Lost in a Shopping Mall’–A Breach of Ethics.” Ethics and Behavior, v. 9 (1): 39-50.
**Coan, James A. 1997. “Lost in a Shopping Mall: An Experience with Controversial Research.” Ethics and Behavior, 7 (3): 271-284.
To read later posts in this series, click here.
Labels: FMSF, FMSF2, psychology



9 Comments:
At 11:05 AM,
Charles Gramlich said…
The fact that people are often so aggreeable is definitely an issue in this kind of research.
At 12:44 PM,
X. Dell said…
I would agree with that, Charles. But what it really doesn't show is the implantation of actual memory, but rather the dismisal of memory in deference to an authority figure.
At 5:07 AM,
Ray Palm (Ray X) said…
So how could one prove implantation of a false memory? Some sort of super-PET-scan that would reveal microscopic changes in someone's brain, the location of where the false memory was planted? Maybe they'll have that tech by the year 3012... [G]
A while ago I mentioned to you about adding a Feedblitz feed option to the your blog so that I could follow your posts via email. But I found that I could include The X-Spot to Google Reader by just adding it to Blogs I'm Following/Reading list so that works just as well. There was some talk that RSS was dying out but it works for me.
At 9:45 PM,
X. Dell said…
Ray, you write: "So how could one prove implantation of a false memory?"
Consider the possibility that this is like asking the question, "How could one prove the existence of the Easter Bunny?"
Up until a couple of years ago, when I started researching this topic for presentation here, I had assumed, like most people, that there was such a thing as false memory. Now I'm not so sure. We can prove distorted memory to all ends. But that's a very different animal than the implantation of false memory. It seems that the Lost in a Shopping Mall and similar studies aren't really showing implantation of experience so much as they are showing us the methods of manipulation--perhaps even the manipulation of distorted memory.
By series end, I would hope to have made a compelling case that the issue of false memory isn't a scientific one. It's political.
At 10:16 AM,
Shrinky said…
Many folk are more susceptible to suggestion than others, and are open to doubt their own version of reality if it's challenged - I am thinking of my own son who lives with autism, his perceptions are often perceived as heightened and rather distorted from those around him - which "reality" do we hold to be true - his, or those whose experiences may say otherwise?
At 2:27 PM,
Shrinky said…
I use Sam as an extreme, to display everyone records their own personal recollections of any given event uniquely. A group of witnesses to the same incident will notoriously differ to agree upon the sequence of events, or even upon a consensual description of the people involved. Which has the false memory?
At 6:16 PM,
X. Dell said…
Shrinky, asnwering your second comment first, I would question if any of the witnesses has a false memory, per se. The fact that our memories conflict might say more to the fact that we perceive things from our unique perspective, one that no one else shares. How we take in information, the kind that informs memory, is somewhat filtered through our own narrow lens. So naturally, there can be disagreement about both the substance and feelings about a particular event. In other words, two people witnessing the same event will not have the same exact experience, even though they will agree on most thinks probably. So that the differences don't come about from the process of memory, but rather from the process of source encoding.
The mainstream understanding of psychologists is that memory normally contains elements of fact and faction, to put it crassly. As some of the items alluded to here(e.g., "The War of the Ghosts" demonstration) indicate that what gets fuzzy are things that we consider extraneous, and non-essential. Studies pertaining to the recency and primacy effects indicate that the middle of a narrative can get awfully fuzzy at times.
But what the pro-FMS supporters are alleging is that a psychiatrist can easily plant a true picture of an emotionally horrifying experience by either conscious or unconcious suggestion.
Suggestion plays a role in our beliefs. If someone suggests that something is true, we might be inclined to dismiss our memories and accept the new narrative as fact. But that's not to say we adopt a new memory. Instead, we can better explain this type of suggestion as the active doubt of our own memory, and subsequently present as fact--sometimes even as memory--the new narrative has occurred, even though we still don't actually remember it.
Mentioning Sam, I understood why you alluded to him both here, and in an earlier post, and I appreciate your perspective on this subject. It could very well be the case where he sees the world quite differently than most people (you allude to that in your recent posts--e.g., meanness confuses him--shich is a very sophisticated response, btw). I don't know if this is his deal or not--I can't; I don't know him--but I would wonder if his differences leave him feeling, well, inadequate about certain things (not that he should feel inadequate, but that he might just feel that way). In that case, it makes logical sense to defer to the suggested version of others, especially if they seemm to know what they're talking about.
That he would take on a false narrative wouldn't surprise me given what you've written here or elsewhere. But my point (and I do have one) is that this narrative might be more reflective of belief rather than actual memory.
At 1:36 PM,
foam said…
The suggestive manipulation of memory is creepy to say the least. Based on our memories we often react to the present or possible future events in a certain way. To put it simply, if this little girl is repeatedly convinced that she gets lost, she might eventually develop fears do venturing out on her own.
At 10:27 PM,
X. Dell said…
Problem is, Foam, what we see here is not the manipulation of memory, but the manipulation of response. The problem is that we have little reason to think that memory has been altered or changed at all.
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